Eritrea Becomes a New Gateway for Supplying Al-Burhan’s Forces with Arms
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These developments follow reports that former Sudanese intelligence chief, Salah Gosh, visited Eritrea on May 16, where he met with President Isaias Afwerki.
They reportedly agreed that Asmara would serve as a front for purchasing weapons on behalf of Port Sudan’s forces and affiliated militias, using Eritrean ports.
Salah Gosh is known for brokering arms deals and has been described as “Sudan’s strongman,” due to his long career under ousted President Omar al-Bashir.
Since the 2019 coup, Gosh has strengthened his influence through an alliance with Abdel Fattah al-Burhan’s forces, acting as an arms smuggling intermediary.
Sources indicate that Turkish and Iranian drones have been reaching Port Sudan via Asmara airport.
These include Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones and Iranian Mohajer-6 drones capable of carrying precision-guided munitions, as reports of increasing Turkish and Iranian military support to al-Burhan’s forces continue to grow.
A recent shipment from Eritrea reportedly included anti-aircraft weapons, barrel bombs, and spare parts—clearly violating international resolutions prohibiting the supply of arms to either side in the Sudanese conflict.
Since the outbreak of war in Sudan in April 2023, Eritrea has become a vital supply route, to the extent that local traders can no longer meet the high demand, according to a previous AFP report.
While such transactions were initially informal, involving Port Sudan’s forces and smugglers, they have now escalated to an official level.
The growing cooperation between Eritrean authorities and the de facto government in Sudan goes beyond weapons shipments and port usage.
Reports reveal fast-paced political and military developments, including confirmation that al-Burhan’s forces moved their warplanes to Asmara as a precaution after Port Sudan was hit by a series of drone strikes targeting both civilian and military sites since May 4.
This move came in response to intensified airstrikes, prompting authorities to safeguard military assets amid fears of further escalation, especially following recent advances by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).
These developments underscore Eritrea’s increasing support for al-Burhan’s forces—from deploying warships along the Sudanese coast and hosting Sudanese fighter jets at its airports to training thousands of fighters from Darfur’s armed movements. These fighters later joined the so-called “Joint Force” engaged alongside Port Sudan’s forces in Kordofan and Darfur.
Such moves are likely to strain Eritrea’s relationship with Ethiopia, which has already entered a phase of overt tension. Addis Ababa insists on its “legitimate right” to access the Red Sea via Eritrea’s Assab port—a symbol of national sovereignty for Asmara, which refuses to negotiate on the matter.
A similar incident occurred in July 2024, when Eritrea deployed naval units to Sudan’s coast. Ethiopia viewed it as a serious escalation, leading to a deterioration in bilateral relations at the time.
Relations between Asmara and the Port Sudan government have significantly strengthened over the two years of conflict, with al-Burhan making multiple visits—his most recent being a surprise trip in April.
Observers believe the presence of Eritrean naval vessels in Port Sudan at this particular time serves as at least a symbolic show of support for the army in its battle against the RSF.
Meanwhile, Port Sudan forces continue to stockpile weapons. Previous reports indicate that Al-Burhan’s military has been seeking “secure” storage locations for massive weapons caches amassed over recent months. These include tanks, drones, and missiles delivered to the capital Khartoum, many allegedly supplied by Iran’s Revolutionary Guard.
Other reports say the Port Sudan forces have built tunnels within multiple military bases to safeguard newly acquired strategic weapons and drones. These include advanced radar systems and defense equipment, intended to counter RSF drone attacks.
The recently constructed tunnels aim to protect Sudan’s strategic weapons for decades to come. They also enable systematic weapons storage and bolster security infrastructure—addressing vulnerabilities exposed when the army lost several depots after war broke out on April 15, 2023.
