Isaias continues to hold Djiboutians that Eritrean forces kidnapped from within Djibouti itself, but also arms two separate Sudanese tribes to involves himself in what is the world’s bloodiest ongoing conflict. Previously, Isaias trafficked in Somali army recruits to use as cannon fodder for his own adventurism in Ethiopia, much as Russian President Vladimir Putin uses involuntary North Korean units. By any definition, Eritrea is a state-sponsor of terrorism.
Don’t Ignore Eritrea
The incoming Trump administration may choose to ignore Eritrea, but this would be a mistake given the instability it can catalyze and terrorism is sponsors, as well as the financial impropriety in which Eritrean officials engage in the United States.
While Congress is polarized, Democrats and Republicans both from the “Squad” to the MAGA fringe should have common interest in countering a regime that runs roughshod over U.S. law and is alongside North Korea, the world’s greatest violator of human rights. In 1998, Congress united to pass the Iraq Liberation Act which, among other facets, authorized the United States to work with, fund, and otherwise empower opposition groups. While U.S. forces have no business in Eritrea nor would their deployment be wise, Congress might authorize funding to build the capacity of the Blue Revolution movement among other groups.
Eritrean diplomats including those at the United Nations are already subject to the Foreign Missions Travel Control Program that limits them to a 25-mile radius of their embassy or mission. The Justice Department should crackdown on Eritreans who act as unregistered foreign agents, however. The Asmara regime may not care if the U.S. expels such agents; as they can always compel others from within the Eritrean community. Instead, it will be essential to prosecute, fine, and jail those who violate U.S. law.
The U.S. Department of the Treasury should also tighten sanctions on Eritrean banks, financial institutions, and money transfer agencies such as Himbol. That an Eritrean ambassador identified Himbol’s operation is significant; that the Eritrean government scrambled to erase that video highlights its sensitivity to the regime.
The State Department should make clear to the United Arab Emirates that it should cease its partnership with Africa’s most destabilizing state, one which is increasingly a partner for China. It might also convene, perhaps in conjunction with the National Endowment for Democracy, a “Future of Eritrea” project to identify and assess the areas of greatest need upon Isaias’ exit.
It is also essential to sanction Isaias, his family members, and key confidants among his military and intelligence service. As Isaias nears the end of his life—he is 78-year-old, has suffered a stroke, and is generally in ill-health—it is time the United States plan for transition. Eritrea is less a state than a criminal enterprise. Eritreans deserve better. The money Isaias and his cronies have stolen and sent abroad should be identified, seized, and placed in a fund that a provisional Eritrean government can utilize and apply to the country’s reconstruction.
It is easy for U.S. officials to say Eritreans deserve better. Rhetoric is cheap and business as usual only preserves the status quo, however. President Donald Trump need not engage actively in Africa, but he should empower his incoming National Security Council and assistant secretary of State for African Affairs to do so to help Eritreans rid the world of one of its worst regimes.
About the Author: Dr. Michael Rubin
Michael Rubin is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and director of policy analysis at the Middle East Forum. A former Pentagon official, Dr. Rubin has lived in post-revolution Iran, Yemen, and both pre- and postwar Iraq. He also spent time with the Taliban before 9/11. For more than a decade, he taught classes at sea about the Horn of Africa and Middle East conflicts, culture, and terrorism, to deployed US Navy and Marine units. Dr. Rubin is the author, coauthor, and coeditor of several books exploring diplomacy, Iranian history, Arab culture, Kurdish studies, and Shi’ite politics. The author’s views are his own.